Text: Rifqy Faiza Rahman
Photos: Deta Widyananda, Rifqy Faiza Rahman, and Mauren Fitri

Sago is often referred to as an alternative food source to replace rice. Some people may also recognize sago in its flour form, which is used as a raw ingredient for various snacks, such as cakes and bread. In fact, several regions in Indonesia, including Papua, have used sago as a staple food for generations.  

For Papuans, sago flows as closely as the veins. The philosophy of the sago tree holds profound meaning: its exterior is thorny, but its core is radiant. This symbolizes that, although one’s outward appearance may seem tough and intimidating, the heart remains kind, sincere, and pure— as white as sago starch. The same applies to the Afsya community in Bariat Village, the capital of Konda District. Afsya is a sub-tribe of the Tehit people, the largest indigenous community in South Sorong Regency.

The Afsya community settlement is located within a 3,307.717 hectare customary forest area. The Bariat forest is dominated by peat ecosystems, making it highly susceptible to fires. As a result, fire hazard warning signs from the environmental service are installed in many locations.  

Since Bariat is a landlocked village with no direct access to the sea, the community’s livelihood depends on forest resources. Among the many commodities available, sago (Metroxylon sp.) remains their staple food.

During the 2024 Arah Singgah Expedition in Papua, the TelusuRI team stopped by Bariat Village to observe the sago processing process. Adrianus Kemeray (51), the Head of Bariat Village, invited us to enter the sago forest owned by the Nikson Kemeray family. Inside, there was a mature sago tree, about 10 years old, ready for harvest.  

The location was not far from the asphalt road connecting Teminabuan (the capital of South Sorong) with the villages in Konda District. We could reach the site on foot from Adrianus’ house, where we were staying. However, due to heavy rain the previous night, the land around the sago tree was flooded up to our calves. Some residents lent us boots, while they themselves usually walked barefoot—despite the scattered sago tree thorns and sharp wood chips. We had to tread carefully on hollow and slippery sago trunks to make our way through.

Mutual cooperation in processing sago

According to Adrianus, sago is the greatest local food gift from God to the land of Papua. Their ancestors passed down extensive knowledge about sago and its uses—all without spending a single penny.  

“Sago is a staple food inherited from our ancestors. We protect the sago tree as our biological mother,” said Adrianus. Just as Papuans consider the forest their mother—or mama—because it provides life, the same applies to sago. Protecting the sago hamlet—the community’s term for the sago forest—means ensuring the sustainability of their livelihoods for future generations.  

Every part of a sago tree can be utilized. The bark or trunk serves as firewood. Sago fronds can be used as a surface for squeezing sago and as material for house walls. Meanwhile, the leaves, or thatch, can be woven into durable roofing.

From a climate perspective, sago plays a crucial role in maintaining environmental quality. According to research by Bambang Hariyanto, a principal researcher at the BPPT Agro-Industry Technology Center, sago plants can absorb more carbon emissions than other forest plants. Therefore, sago is valued not only as an economic resource but also for its ability to restore the surrounding forest’s environmental conditions.  

Furthermore, sago is a carbohydrate-rich food that is just as satisfying as rice. Unlike rice, which takes three to four months to harvest, sago can be processed and consumed on the same day. This is why cooperation, or gotong royong, among families is essential during sago harvesting.  

The early stages of sago processing require significant physical effort, which is where the men take the lead. Armed with machetes and axes, adult men work together to cut the base of the sago trunk and ensure it falls in the right direction.

I don’t know exactly what a sago tree ready for harvest looks like. What is clear, according to Adrianus, is that the average age of a mature sago tree ready for harvest is around 10 years, with a minimum height of approximately 15 meters.  

Arah Singgah expedition team was asked to step back from the felling site. The men shouted loudly to give a warning.  

Bang! A large tree crashed down, falling in the opposite direction from where we had come. Daniel Meres, a neighbor who lives across from Adrianus’ house, swiftly swung his axe repeatedly at the surface of the sago trunk. Meanwhile, those using machetes, such as Nikson, Wilhelmus, and Maurit, were tasked with peeling the sago trunk and cutting off the remaining fronds. Teenagers like Nobili and Yunus were ready to carry and guard our somewhat troublesome belongings—cameras, tripods, backpacks, and mattresses.

A single sago tree cannot be fully processed in just one day. Residents typically open only about a quarter of the trunk at a time for processing. Fredik Ariks is the first to pierce the core of the trunk, or pith—the soft, white inner part of the sago tree.  

The special tool used for this process functions like a hammer and is usually made from strong wood, such as merbau, which locals call ironwood. A sharp metal blade is often attached to the tip to make it more durable and efficient in crushing the pith.  

Amos Meres, Daniel Meres’ son, takes his turn, working hard to break the pith apart until it becomes loose, like flour. “If you get tired, you can switch with the younger ones,” Fredik said with a laugh.

A wise and sustainable ancestral food heritage

Although the land belongs to the Kemeray clan, the sago harvesting and processing process involves families from various clans. This is because a single sago tree can sustain the needs of all 340 Bariat residents for several weeks. In fact, in one day, they only process a few sacks of pith, which is then squeezed into dry sago flour.  

Regarding the sago processing process, Adrianus explained, “If many people work together, one large sago tree can be processed in a week. But if only one or two people do it, it can take up to a month.”

Meanwhile, on the side of the split tree trunk, a group of women prepares for the next stage of the work. Maria Kemeray and Kormince Kemeray stand ready, opening two medium-sized sacks to collect the sago flakes. With swift, practiced movements, the two mothers carry the sacks and head toward the Kareth clan’s sago hut, located on the edge of a clear-water river in the peat swamp forest—just about 200 meters from the harvest site.

Instead of using mechanical sago processing machines, the Bariat community still adheres to traditional methods. They use nipah fronds—supported by small tree trunks placed crosswise—as a surface for grinding wet sago.  

Although traditional, the working mechanism is remarkable. There is no formal curriculum in schools on how to make it; the knowledge is passed down solely through ancestral stories from generation to generation. The only modern addition is the use of a t-shirt or a wide cloth as a sago filter.  

Maria and Kormince gradually transfer the sago flakes into a basin. They mix the sago with an adequate amount of water from the tributary before pouring it over the fronds. Mauren, the head of the expedition team, attempts to assist the women with their work.  

“Squeeze it slowly until the water content is gone, then wet it again and squeeze it once more,” Maria instructs, demonstrating the technique. The motion resembles washing and rinsing clothes.  

Each sago basin undergoes two or three similar treatments. The sago juice then flows through the filter and collects in the reservoir below. The filtered liquid is later washed, and the starch is extracted. This starch is then processed into dry sago flour.

Each family typically keeps some for their own household needs. The mothers continue their role by preparing sago-based dishes, most commonly papeda. They simply need to catch fish from the river, gather vegetables from the forest, and buy spices from the market to complete the meal.

We had the chance to try other sago-based foods as well. Dorcila Gemnasi, Adrianus’ wife, made us sago pukis cakes topped with grated coconut, which were absolutely delicious. Just two pieces were enough to fill us up, and they tasted even better when paired with a cup of hot coffee.

Beyond personal consumption, dry sago flour is the first derivative product that Bariat residents can sell. Their target market includes local markets and direct customer orders. A single sago tree can produce at least 20 sacks of dry flour, each weighing between 20 and 25 kilograms. The selling price is around Rp200,000 per sack.

This is what Adrianus meant when he spoke about utilizing sago without spending a single penny on capital while still generating income. He emphasized that sago plays a crucial role in achieving food independence in his village.

“We as a community are not all civil servants. Some of us work as manual laborers, while others struggle to find employment altogether. For them, life depends on the sago groves, which they can process to make a living.”

The economic benefits of well-managed and sustainable sago are countless. Parents in Bariat can afford to send their children to school, purchase various food and beverages for their households, and even contribute to building churches and houses.

Left: Amos Meres (black shirt) showed sago ball snacks that ready to eat. Usually, while waiting for the mothers to squeeze the sago, other residents made sago starch dough into balls and grilled them over a fire until the outside was burnt black. Even without any additional spices, sago balls were quite delicious and could fill your hunger. Right: Sago pukis cake by Dorcila Gemnasi, Adrianus Kemeray’s wife. With only sago flour and grated coconut, then grilled over a fire, it was more than enough as a delicious and filling snack. One form of local food creations of Bariat residents/Rifqy Faiza Rahman

Protecting the sago village with traditions and sacred places

So far, there is no synced and valid data on the total area of sago land in Indonesia. However, in a 2018 statement to the Ministry of Environment and Forestry, Prof. Mochamad Hasjim Bintoro, a professor at the Faculty of Agriculture, IPB University, estimated that Indonesia’s sago land covered 5.5 million hectares. Of this, nearly 95 percent—or 5.2 million hectares—is located in Papua.

This makes Papua home to the largest sago reserves in both Indonesia and the world. Unfortunately, according to the chairman of the Indonesian Sago Society (MASSI), less than one percent of these reserves are utilized. The rest is left to rot and decompose without being harvested.

In the Southwest Papua region, South Sorong is recognized as the province’s largest center for sago production and reserves. According to the latest available data from a 2015 study by BPPT researchers Bambang Haryanto, Mubekti, and Agus Tri Putranto, nearly 45 percent (311,591 hectares) of South Sorong Regency’s total land area of 694,221 hectares consists of sago forests, with an estimated sago starch potential of almost 3 million tons.

The six largest sago-producing districts, each covering approximately 10 percent or more of the total area, are Kais (63,797 ha), Kokoda (61,344 ha), Inanwatan (55,483 ha), Saifi (39,630 ha), North Kokoda (34,530 ha), and Metamani (29,400 ha). Meanwhile, Konda (19,641 ha) and Seremuk (7,766 ha) have the smallest sago forest areas.

These figures may have changed over time due to development and land-use shifts, but they remain a crucial reference for understanding the region’s sago potential.

Private sago industries have been operating in Kais and Metamani, while other districts still rely on community-based plantations. However, Adrianus and Ones—local EcoNusa facilitators who accompanied us—hold a different perspective. They believe that the absence of investment from sago processing companies in Konda actually benefits the indigenous community. This is evident in Bariat, where residents are not bound to corporate contracts and remain free to manage their own land, which has been divided according to clan agreements.

I recall an interesting moment the day before our visit to the sago hamlet. After Sunday service at church, Adrianus and several residents invited us to visit one of the village’s sacred sites in the forest, located about 700 meters west of the village. The path led us through a landscape rich with endemic trees and plants, many of which hold great value for the community—whether for medicinal use or for building homes.

At the end of the trail stood a grave, sheltered by a simple zinc roof supported by wooden poles. It was the final resting place of the mother of Yulian Kareth (62), the traditional leader of Bariat Village, who passed away in 2018

“Why is my mother buried here, far from the village? Because this is where she first met my father, who came from another village,” Yulian explained. Their meeting was seen as a matter of destiny, making this land a significant and memorable place.

Yulian then pointed to a large tree with drooping leaves and branches beside the grave. A plaque with the word “Mrasa” was painted in red, marking the site as a sacred place belonging to the Kareth clan. Such naming traditions are usually kept confidential, known only to the community elders. As visitors, we were only given a brief glimpse of the history deemed appropriate to share.

For the Bariat community, this is an important place—a designation given to sites that hold historical and ancestral significance. Sacred or significant places often include ancient trees, burial grounds, or hidden locations deep within the forest. These landmarks play a crucial role in mapping customary land areas, as they serve as key references when applying for legal recognition of customary forests or ancestral territories from the government.

Since June 6, 2024, the South Sorong Regency Government has officially recognized, protected, and respected the customary law communities and territories of seven indigenous groups in South Sorong. This includes five neighboring villages in Konda District: Manelek (Gemna sub-tribe), Bariat (Afsya sub-tribe), Nakna (Nakna sub-tribe), as well as Konda and Wamargege (Yaben sub-tribe).

Currently, in Bariat, the village government authority—supported by the non-profit organization Pusaka Bentala Rakyat—is working to secure recognition at the provincial and ministerial levels.

“As a customary law community, we fiercely protect our staple food source,” Adrianus stated. “We will defend the sago hamlet in the Afsya sub-tribe’s customary forest with our lives because sago is the staple food for our children and grandchildren.”

As a father of three, he also believes that official government recognition carries immense value. A strong and binding legal framework will ensure the long-term security of their land, homes, and traditional territory.

This includes safeguarding important places—sites that play a crucial role in protecting the sago hamlets scattered throughout the forests of Bariat Village. For the Bariat people, sago is more than just a food source—it is sacred.

Translated by Novrisa Briliantina

Cover photo: A sago farmer mother in the forest of Bariat Village, South Sorong/Deta Widyananda

TelusuRI is an Indonesian travel and tourism media platform under the Tempo Digital network. This article was written as a report on the Arah Singgah 2024 expedition in Southwest Papua and Papua. Read more the trip reports at telusuri.id/arahsinggah.

Get to know your Indonesia better through our Instagram and Facebook Fanpage.
Interested in sharing your story? Come on, submit your writing.

The post Sacred Sago of Bariat Village appeared first on TelusuRI.

Teks: Rifqy Faiza Rahman
Foto: Deta Widyananda, Rifqy Faiza Rahman, dan Mauren Fitri

Sagu kerap dibilang sebagai bahan pangan alternatif pengganti beras. Sebagian orang mungkin juga mengenal sagu dengan tepungnya, sebagai salah satu bahan baku untuk membuat aneka penganan, seperti kue atau roti. Padahal, sejumlah daerah di Indonesia telah turun-temurun menggunakan sagu sebagai makanan pokok, seperti Papua.

Bagi orang Papua, sagu mengalir erat sedekat urat nadi. Bahkan filosofi dari pohon sagu memiliki makna sangat dalam. Di luar berduri, di dalam berseri. Artinya, meski tampak fisik atau penampilan luarnya keras dan garang, tetapi hatinya baik, tulus, dan putih bersih penuh kasih; seputih sari pati sagu. Tidak terkecuali masyarakat Afsya di Kampung Bariat, ibu kota Distrik Konda. Afsya merupakan subsuku yang termasuk bagian dari suku Tehit, komunitas adat terbesar di Kabupaten Sorong Selatan. 

Permukiman masyarakat Afsya berada di tengah kawasan hutan adat seluas 3.307,717 hektare (ha). Hutan Bariat didominasi ekosistem gambut, sehingga tak heran papan peringatan rawan kebakaran dari dinas lingkungan hidup terpasang di banyak tempat. 

Sebagai kampung yang dikepung daratan dan tidak berbatasan dengan laut, sumber penghidupan masyarakat Bariat bergantung pada hasil hutan. Dari sekian komoditas, sagu (Metroxylon sp.) menjadi makanan pokok mereka.

Dalam ekspedisi Arah Singgah Papua 2024, tim TelusuRI singgah di Kampung Bariat untuk melihat proses pengolahan sagu. Adrianus Kemeray (51), Kepala Kampung Bariat, mengajak kami masuk wilayah hutan sagu milik keluarga Nikson Kemeray. Ada satu pohon sagu dewasa berusia sekitar 10 tahun yang siap panen di dalamnya. Lokasinya tidak jauh dari jalan aspal penghubung Teminabuan (ibu kota Sorong Selatan) dengan kampung-kampung di Distrik Konda.

Kami bisa menjangkau lahan itu dengan jalan kaki dari rumah Adrianus, tempat kami menginap. Hanya saja, karena hari sebelumnya hujan deras sepanjang malam, lahan di sekeliling pohon sagu tersebut tergenang air setinggi betis. Beberapa warga meminjami kami sepatu bot, sedangkan mereka biasa berjalan tanpa alas kaki. Padahal, duri-duri pohon sagu dan serpihan kayu yang tajam berserakan di mana-mana. Kami sampai harus berjalan di atas batang sagu yang sudah kopong dan licin.

Gotong royong mengolah sagu

Menurut Adrianus, sagu merupakan anugerah pangan lokal terbaik yang diberikan Tuhan untuk tanah Papua. Kemudian nenek moyang mereka menurunkan banyak pengetahuan seputar pemanfaatan sagu. Semua itu dilakukan tanpa mengeluarkan uang sepeser pun.

“Sagu adalah makanan pokok [yang diwariskan] dari leluhur kami. Kami jaga pohon sagu sebagai mama kandung kami,” kata Adrianus. Seperti halnya orang-orang Papua menganggap hutan sebagai ibu atau mama, karena memberikan banyak kehidupan. Begitu pun sagu. Melindungi dusun sagu—istilah masyarakat untuk menyebut hutan sagu—berarti menjamin keberlangsungan sumber penghidupan mereka sampai anak cucu.

Dari satu pohon sagu saja, semua bagiannya bisa dimanfaatkan. Kulit atau batangnya bisa berfungsi sebagai bahan bakar atau perapian. Pelepah sagu dapat digunakan untuk tempat meremas sagu dan dinding rumah. Lalu daun atau rumbia bisa dianyam jadi atap rumah. 

Sementara dari kacamata iklim, sagu punya peran penting dalam pengendalian kualitas lingkungan. Menurut riset Bambang Hariyanto, peneliti utama di Pusat Teknologi Agroindustri BPPT, tanaman sagu dapat menyerap emisi karbon lebih besar daripada tanaman hutan lainnya. Oleh karena itu, sagu tidak hanya diandalkan sebagai sumber ekonomi, tetapi juga kemampuannya merestorasi kondisi lingkungan hutan di sekitarnya.

Selebihnya, seperti kita tahu, sagu adalah bahan pangan kaya karbohidrat. Tidak kalah kenyang dengan beras padi. Berbeda dengan padi yang harus menunggu tiga sampai empat bulan untuk panen, sagu bisa diolah dan dinikmati di hari yang sama. Untuk itulah kerja sama atau gotong royong antarkeluarga jadi penting saat memanen sagu.

Fase-fase awal awal pengolahan sagu membutuhkan kerja fisik ekstra. Di sinilah kelompok laki-laki berperan. Berbekal parang dan kapak, para lelaki dewasa bahu-membahu menebas bagian bawah batang sagu dan memastikan jatuh ke arah yang tepat.

Saya tidak tahu persis bagaimana penampakan fisik sagu siap panen. Yang jelas, kalau kata Adrianus, rata-rata usia pohon sagu dewasa yang siap panen adalah 10 tahun. Tingginya kira-kira mencapai sedikitnya 15 meter. 

Tim ekspedisi Arah Singgah TelusuRI diminta menjauh dari lokasi penebangan. Teriak kencang para pria bersahutan untuk memberi aba-aba waspada. 

Bruk! Satu pohon besar itu roboh ke arah berlawanan dari kedatangan kami. Daniel Meres, tetangga yang tinggal di seberang rumah Adrianus, sigap mengayunkan kapaknya berulang-kali ke permukaan batang sagu. Sementara yang menggunakan parang, seperti Nikson, Wilhelmus, dan Maurit bertugas menguliti batang sagu dan memotong pelepah-pelepah yang tersisa. Para remaja macam Nobili dan Yunus siaga membawa dan menjaga barang-barang kami yang agak merepotkan—kamera, tripod, ransel, hingga matras.

Satu pohon sagu tidak akan dihabiskan di hari itu. Warga hanya membuka batang sagu kira-kira seperempat ukuran pohon saja untuk diolah. Fredik Ariks jadi orang pertama yang menokok teras batang atau empulur—daging pohon atau bagian dalam batang sagu yang berwarna putih. 

Alat pangkur khusus itu berfungsi seperti martil dan biasanya terbuat dari kayu yang kuat, seperti merbau. Penduduk setempat menyebutnya kayu besi. Di ujungnya biasanya dipasang logam tajam agar awet dan bisa melumat empulur dengan cepat.

Selanjutnya bergantian Amos Meres (anak Daniel Meres) berusaha keras memecah empulur sampai gembur serupa tepung. “Kalau capek, bisa gantian sama yang muda-muda,” kata Fredik tergelak.

Warisan pangan leluhur yang bestari dan lestari

Meski status lahan milik marga Kemeray, tetapi proses panen dan pengolahan sagu melibatkan keluarga lintas marga. Sebab, satu pohon saja bisa mencukupi kebutuhan 340-an penduduk Bariat untuk beberapa minggu. Bahkan dalam satu hari hanya mengolah beberapa karung empulur saja untuk selanjutnya diperas menjadi tepung sagu kering. 

Kata Adrianus soal proses pengolahan sagu, “Kalau orangnya banyak [yang gotong royong], satu pohon [sagu] besar itu bisa selesai diproses seminggu. Kalau cuma satu-dua orang saja [yang mengerjakan], baru bisa selesai sebulan.”

Sementara di sisi batang pohon yang sudah terbelah, kelompok perempuan akan mengambil alih tugas selanjutnya. Maria Kemeray dan Kormince Kemeray telah bersiap-siap. Mereka membuka dua karung goni ukuran sedang untuk menampung serpihan-serpihan sagu. Kedua mama itu, dengan menyunggi, bergerak kilat ke pondok sagu milik marga Kareth di tepi anak sungai berair jernih di hutan rawa gambut. Jaraknya hanya sekitar 200 meter dari tempat panen. 

Alih-alih memakai mesin pengolah sagu mekanis, masyarakat Bariat masih mempertahankan cara lawas. Mereka memakai pelepah nipah—disangga batang-batang pohon kecil yang terpasang menyilang—sebagai tempat penggilingan sagu basah. 

Meskipun tradisional, tetapi mekanisme kerjanya sangat menakjubkan. Tidak ada kurikulum khusus di sekolah tentang cara membuatnya, hanya berdasarkan tutur leluhur turun-temurun. Paling-paling, satu-satunya barang modern adalah penggunaan kaus atau kain lebar sebagai penyaring sagu.

Maria dan Kormince kemudian secara bertahap memindahkan serpihan sagu ke baskom. Mereka mencampur sagu dengan air dari anak sungai tadi secukupnya, lalu menuangkannya ke atas pelepah. Mauren, ketua tim ekspedisi, sempat mencoba membantu pekerjaan mama-mama itu.

“Diremas pelan-pelan sampai [kandungan] airnya habis, lalu basahi dengan air lagi dan remas lagi,” ujar Maria memberi arahan. Meremasnya seperti saat sedang mencuci dan membilas pakaian.

Ada dua-tiga perlakuan serupa untuk setiap baskom sagu. Kemudian air perasan sagu akan mengalir melewati penyaring dan jatuh ke bak penampung di bawahnya. Hasil saringan itulah yang nantinya dicuci dan diambil patinya. Pati tersebut diolah dan dijadikan tepung sagu kering. 

Setiap keluarga biasa mengambil beberapa bagian untuk kebutuhan dapurnya sendiri. Mama-mama masih meneruskan perannya dengan memasak olahan sagu. Paling banyak dijadikan papeda, tinggal mencari ikan di sungai, sayur-sayur di hutan, dan bumbu-bumbu dari pasar sebagai pelengkap. Kami sempat mencoba produk penganan olahan lainnya. Dorcila Gemnasi, istri Adrianus, membuatkan kami kue pukis sagu dengan parutan kelapa yang sangat lezat. Makan dua potong saja sudah kenyang. Lebih nikmat lagi jika disajikan dengan secangkir kopi panas.

Selain dikonsumsi sendiri, tepung sagu kering merupakan produk turunan pertama yang bisa dijual oleh warga Bariat. Sasaran penjualannya bisa ke pasar, atau sesuai pesanan pelanggan. Satu pohon sagu bisa menghasilkan tepung kering sedikitnya 20 karung dengan bobot masing-masing mencapai 20–25 kilogram. Harga jualnya sekitar Rp200.000 rupiah per karung.

Inilah yang dimaksud Adrianus soal pemanfaatan sagu tanpa mengeluarkan modal pundi-pundi sepeser pun, tetapi bisa jadi sumber pemasukan. Ia menegaskan sagu sebagai upaya kemandirian pangan di kampungnya, “Kami sebagai masyarakat belum tentu semua jadi pegawai negeri. Kami ada yang [bekerja] sebagai buruh kasar. [Ada juga] yang sama sekali tidak dapat pekerjaan [sehingga] punya hidup bergantung dari dusun sagu, yang dia bisa olah untuk mendapatkan uang.”

Tak terhitung manfaat ekonomi dari sagu yang dikelola dengan baik dan lestari. Para orang tua di Bariat bisa menyekolahkan anak-anak mereka, membelanjakan bahan makanan dan minuman lainnya di dapur, hingga membangun gereja dan rumah hunian. 

Kiri: Amos Meres menunjukkan kudapan sagu bola yang siap dimakan. Biasanya, sembari menunggu mama-mama meremas sagu, warga yang lain membuat adonan pati sagu berbentuk bola dan membakarnya di atas api sampai bagian terluar gosong menghitam. Meski tanpa tambahan bumbu apa pun, sagu bola cukup lezat dan bisa mengganjal lapar. Kanan: Kue pukis sagu karya Dorcila Gemnasi, istri Adrianus Kemeray. Hanya dengan bahan tepung sagu dan parutan kelapa, lalu dipanggang di atas api, sudah lebih dari cukup sebagai kudapan nikmat dan mengenyangkan perut. Salah satu bentuk kreasi pangan lokal warga Bariat/Rifqy Faiza Rahman

Menjaga dusun sagu dengan adat dan tempat keramat

Sejauh ini belum ada data yang kompak dan valid terkait luas lahan sagu di Indonesia. Prof Mochamad Hasjim Bintoro, Guru Besar Fakultas Pertanian IPB University, dalam pernyataannya kepada Kementerian Lingkungan Hidup dan Kehutanan pada 2018, pernah mengungkapkan luas lahan sagu di Indonesia mencapai 5,5 juta ha. Hampir 95 persennya atau 5,2 juta ha berada di Papua.

Artinya, cadangan sagu di Papua terbesar di Indonesia dan dunia. Sayangnya, kata ketua Masyarakat Sagu Indonesia (MASSI) itu, yang dimanfaatkan tidak sampai satu persen. Sisanya, dibiarkan membusuk dan mati sia-sia tanpa sempat dipanen. 

Khusus wilayah Papua Barat Daya, Sorong Selatan tergolong sentra penghasil dan cadangan sagu terbesar di provinsi ini. Setidaknya menurut data terakhir yang tercatat berdasarkan riset peneliti BPPT Bambang Haryanto, Mubekti, dan Agus Tri Putranto pada 2015. Dari total luas wilayah Kabupaten Sorong Selatan sebesar 694.221 ha, hampir 45 persen di antaranya (311.591 ha) merupakan areal hutan sagu, dengan potensi pati sagu hampir 3 juta ton. 

Enam areal sagu terluas (sekitar 10% atau lebih cakupan wilayah) berada di Distrik Kais (63.797 ha), Kokoda (61.344 ha), Inanwatan (55.483 ha), Saifi (39.630), Kokoda Utara (34.530 ha), dan Metamani (29.400 ha). Konda (19.641 ha) dan Seremuk (7.766 ha) merupakan dua distrik dengan luasan terkecil. Angka-angka itu mungkin mengalami penyusutan mengingat perkembangan zaman, mungkin juga tetap. 

Industri sagu swasta sudah beroperasi di Kais dan Metamani, sementara distrik lainnya masih berbasis perkebunan rakyat. Namun, Adrianus dan Ones (fasilitator lokal EcoNusa yang mendampingi kami) kompak berpendapat lain. Ketiadaan investasi perusahaan pengolahan sagu di Konda justru lebih menguntungkan masyarakat adat. Seperti yang tampak jelas di Bariat. Warga tidak perlu terikat dengan perusahaan dan masih bebas mengelola lahannya sendiri yang sudah terbagi-bagi berdasarkan kesepakatan marga.

Saya teringat sebuah kesempatan menarik sehari sebelum kami pergi ke dusun sagu. Usai ibadah Minggu di gereja, Adrianus dan banyak warga mengajak kami berkunjung ke salah satu tempat keramat di hutan. Jaraknya sekitar 700 meter ke arah barat kampung. Treknya melewati banyak pohon dan tanaman endemis yang memiliki manfaat besar buat masyarakat, termasuk untuk obat-obatan maupun kebutuhan membangun rumah. 

Di ujung jalan setapak, terdapat sebuah kuburan dengan cungkup sederhana berbahan seng dan ditopang tiang-tiang kayu. Di dalamnya bersemayam jasad ibunda dari Yulian Kareth (62), ketua adat Kampung Bariat, yang telah wafat 2018 lalu.

“Mengapa sa pu mama dimakamkan di sini [jauh dari kampung]? Karena dahulu di tempat inilah mama pertama kali bertemu bapak saya dari kampung lain,” Yulian berkisah. Artinya, pertemuan keduanya sudah menjadi garis takdir, sehingga tanah tersebut dikenang sebagai tempat penting.

Yulian kemudian menunjukkan sebuah pohon besar dengan daun dan ranting menjulur di sebelah makam. Ada plakat bertuliskan “Mrasa” dengan cat merah. Informasi ini menunjukkan lokasi tempat keramat milik marga Kareth. Hikayat penamaan seperti itu biasanya bersifat rahasia dan hanya para sesepuh adat yang tahu. Kami sebagai pendatang hanya perlu mengetahui sekilas sejarah yang dianggap boleh diceritakan.

Warga Bariat menyebutnya tempat penting. Sebuah tempat dinilai keramat atau penting karena memuat nilai historis dan berhubungan dengan asal usul leluhur mereka. Selain pohon-pohon tua, area pekuburan atau tempat-tempat tersembunyi di dalam hutan juga ditandai sebagai tempat penting. Titik-titik inilah yang krusial saat dilakukan pemetaan wilayah hukum adat. Kemudian data tersebut menjadi landasan untuk pengajuan legalitas pengakuan hutan adat atau wilayah adat dari pemerintah.

Sejak 6 Juni 2024 lalu, Pemerintah Kabupaten Sorong Selatan telah memberikan pengakuan, perlindungan, serta penghormatan masyarakat hukum adat dan wilayah hukum adat kepada tujuh komunitas adat di Sorong Selatan. Tak terkecuali lima kampung bertetangga di Distrik Konda, yaitu Manelek (sub-suku Gemna), Bariat (sub-suku Afsya), Nakna (sub-suku Nakna), Konda dan Wamargege (sub-suku Yaben). Saat ini, khusus Bariat, pemerintah kampung bersama pendampingan lembaga nirlaba Pusaka Bentala Rakyat sedang memperjuangkan pengakuan ke tingkat provinsi sampai kementerian.

“Secara prinsip, sebagai masyarakat hukum adat, kami menjaga [dengan sangat] keras [sumber] makanan pokok kami,” tegas Adrianus, “kami jaga [sampai] mati dusun sagu yang ada di dalam hutan adat subsuku Afsya, karena sagu adalah makanan pokok untuk anak cucu kami.”

Bapak tiga anak itu juga berpandangan, legalitas pengakuan pemerintah sangat berharga. Payung hukum yang kuat dan mengikat akan menjamin keberlangsungan tempat tinggal dan wilayah adat mereka di masa depan. 

Termasuk tempat-tempat penting, yang turut melindungi dusun-dusun sagu di seantero hutan Kampung Bariat. Sebab, bagi orang Bariat, sagu pun keramat. (*)

Foto sampul:
Kormince Kemeray menunjukkan gumpalan empulur atau serpihan sagu yang akan diremas dengan campuran air sungai/Deta Widyananda

Pada Agustus–September 2024, tim TelusuRI mengunjungi Sorong dan Sorong Selatan di Papua Barat Daya, serta Jayapura di Papua, dalam ekspedisi Arah Singgah: Suara-suara dari Timur Indonesia. Laporan perjalanannya dapat Anda ikuti di telusuri.id/arahsinggah.

Kenali Indonesiamu lebih dekat melalui Instagram dan Facebook Fanpage kami.
Tertarik buat berbagi cerita? Ayo kirim tulisanmu.

The post Sagu Keramat Kampung Bariat appeared first on TelusuRI.